Is there a "war of public opinion?" If so, is it important? And is Israel losing it?
These are old questions, which surface whenever Israel does something perceived as ugly or disproportionate.
There is no obvious measure of the current surge in anti-Israel demonstrations, editorials, or letters to the editor, in comparison with the levels reached during the Lebanon War of 2006, attacks on the West Bank after the suicide bombing at a Passover Seder in 2002, or any other event in the bloody history.
We should not overlook those who support Israel. There are letter writers, blogers, lecturers, and politicians who justify and even applaud what Israel has done, often with greater impact than official representatives.
Much of the leadership and the noise against Israel is coming from Muslims in Europe and North America, as well as those in the Middle East. There are reports that Europeans' opinion moves toward Israel when large number of Arabs march in their cities.
Among the protesters are leftists who flock to the cause of the moment. There are also people who make an effort to say that Israel has a right to defend itself, but ask to what extent.
There are those in the latter group I would consider reasonable. However, there are also many who do not trouble themselves to ponder the problems that appear daily in the Israeli media, affect individuals at the pinnacle of the government and throughout the military.
Israelis are not as completely pacifist or humanitarian as populations that have not fought in decades or centuries, or among those in the United States or Europe who would be the last to go into the military or send their children to the military. However, Israelis continue to worry about the implications of how they defend themselves against evil.
Nothing is more likely to sharpen one's capacity for moral introspection than frequent attempts at terror, shielded by Arab civilians, by people who see themselves served by pictures of women and children killed as the "collateral damage" of Israeli actions. Military and political leaders realize that their attacks will bring retaliation, and continue a "cycle of violence." That concern might stop the process of national defense among those who do not have to worry about the realities of Israel.
The realities go beyond the spectacular events that get to the front pages of western newspapers. The inner pages of Israeli newspapers report, virtually on a daily basis, attempts at violence against civilians. Even if they do not succeed in killing or injuring Israelis, these efforts fuel a lack of confidence that persuasion, or votes in the United Nations will protect against violence.
How many troops has the Pope?
The old question is relevant to the war of public opinion. It is not a matter of quantity of opposition to Israel, but who opposes Israel. In these days after Gaza, there appears to be considerable understanding of Israel's position where it counts, among those actually in government positions.
"World opinion"so far has not deterred Israeli politicians or soldiers. A recent headline is that there has been a decision to give Hamas another massive blow, in response to continued missile and mortar attacks toward Israeli civilians.
The public opinion that counts most is that of Israel. There is an Israeli left which criticizes excesses and is certain that authorities missed an opportunity to convince Hamas with persuasion and decent offers. The stronger opposition is one that feels the government stopped too soon, without destroying Hamas completely. Pre-election polls show an increase in the support for right of center Likud , and a party further to the right, Israel our Home.
There will be efforts in the United States to cut aid to Israel. There always are, especially when Democrats dominate Congress. In a period of economic crisis, there may be cuts in aid to every recipient. There may be efforts to deny Israel's requests to sell it munitions to replace supplies used in Gaza. If they are denied, Israel's own munitions plants will produce items, perhaps of different quality than those purchased abroad. If next time Israel has to use bombs and shells less "smart", there will be more damage to civilians.
Israelis do not enjoy all those demonstrations, or accusations of war crimes.
Israelis also do not like to kill. The military knows the cost of its actions. It moves only after prolonged deliberation. The Gaza operation came almost eight years after the rockets started to fall on Sderot and other towns. The commanding officers, and the politicians who lead them, are not sure that it is time to stop.
I welcome comments sent to my e-mail address below.
Ira Sharkansky (Emeritus)
Dept of Political Science
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
msira@mscc.huji.ac.il
Tel: +972-2-532-2725
Fax: +972-2-582-9144